Final Resistance
A capacitor of 20 microfinance is connected to 45 V with a battery whose resistance is 2000ohms circiut?
1) What is the final burden of capacitor? 2) find the burden of capacotor .01 seconds after connecting the battery
1) Q = CV = 45 V ∙ ∙ 20microF = 9E-4 C 2) v (t) = 45 ∙ (1-exp (-t/RC)) VV (0.01 s) = 9954 V = Q ∙ VC = C = 1.991E-4 2.0E-4 C (fig 2 GIS )
DARK TRANQUILLITY – Final Resistance [LIVE IN MILAN] (OFFICIAL VIDEO)
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James is right the majority of the British don't like it I for one am of that opinion, it holds no attention it holds no meaning it pays the designers bills and that is not it's purpose.
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Tarih: 2011-02-13
Probably one of the best songs made by Muse
haha, Adidas destroyd the famous “Wall of Graffiti” in Poland
auto-quote:
On streets deadened by economic depression, “suddenly a group of protesters would appear out of nowhere,” he remembers. “There was mass organization of neighborhood groups through the Internet…. There was no way to control popular opinion or behavior because it was being organized essentially invisibly in online communication – in the chat rooms and on the e-mail lists of early social media.”
That experience stood out, he says, because, like much of the rest of the world, Latin America had long been gripped by brutal dictators whose rule relied on intimidation. As social networks have gotten more sophisticated, network specialists say, it’s been harder for governments to maintain the kind of mass silence that corruption and abuse require.
“It’s very hard to keep a secret, to keep people from communicating whatever they see,” says Espuelas. “Therefore, the very simple tools of repression” – silence and secrecy – “are no longer operative, unless you’re willing to use the ultimate tool, the Tiananmen Square approach of putting up tanks and killing … people.”
In today’s China, more than a decade after the Tiananmen Square protests, the government would like to control the digital space as tightly as it controls physical space, making Arab Spring-style uprisings unlikely, even with the most sophisticated technology. The Chinese authorities do their best to censor politically sensitive news and information from social networking services, or SNS, and they are a lot better at it than any other government in the world.
“Unlike Egypt and Tunisia, where the regimes were technological Luddites, the Chinese are most sophisticated in understanding, monitoring and manipulating social media,” says Bill Bishop, an independent Internet analyst in Beijing.
They’re also savvy enough to be afraid. A report last year from the official China Academy of Social Sciences think tank warned that social networking sites are “a challenge to national security.” Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube are all inaccessible in China without sophisticated software that allow users to jump the censors’ “Great Firewall.”
Still, more than half of the 460 million-plus Chinese citizens with Internet access use copies of those networks, such as Sina Weibo, an enhanced Twitter clone, or RenRen, a Facebook look-alike.
With so many users sending so many messages, the tight control of Chinese cyberspace doesn’t always keep information from getting out, especially on the Chinese version of Twitter.
“The speed with which politically sensitive information can spread on Sina Weibo is incredible; it’s qualitatively different from blogs,” says Xiao Qiang, a professor of journalism at the University of California, Berkeley, who studies the Chinese Internet.
Despite China’s best efforts, that discourse often includes unsavory stories of government abuse. When a herder in Inner Mongolia was run over and killed last May by a coal truck, for example, and local people began protesting against Chinese-run coal mines, the censors unsuccessfully banned all mention of the demonstrations in traditional and new media, but the local authorities also moved swiftly to calm the situation using both security forces and promises of justice to the herders.
Sometimes, though, information slips through. Also in May, Qian Mingqi bombed three government offices in Jiangxi Province, killing himself and two other people. He had hinted at his intentions in one of his last postings on Weibo, the Twitter clone; his earlier posts described 10 years’ worth of futile efforts to get compensation from the government for what he considered the illegal demolition of his home.
The bombing drew an enormous outpouring of sympathy and support from bloggers and Weibo users, who saw him not as a terrorist but as a victim of government injustice. After several hundred messages of condolence were posted on his Weibo account page, Sina, an Internet portal, closed it.
But cybersympathy is one thing, and real-world action is another. The Chinese approach, says Bishop, is to minimize the latter. “That’s a fairly effective approach,” he says.
A recent wave of arrests and disappearances of Chinese political activists suggests, not so subtly, that authorities won’t tolerate online agitation moving off-line. Even if “the revolution will be blogged,” as Qiang maintains, he also acknowledges, “it will take time.”
That’s because Internet censorship isn’t the only obstacle to a “Jasmine Revolution.” Many Chinese feel they have too much at stake in their personal lives to risk rising up.
“I myself am angry,” explains a former executive of a popular Chinese Internet portal who asked not to be identified by name. “But I have a house and a car and a job and I’d be worried that if I protested I would lose all this and not be able to protect my family. Under those circumstances, would you confront a tank?”
China is not the only iron-willed Internet censor in the region. Facebook is notoriously difficult to access in Vietnam, although the government denies it blocks the site, and in Burma (Myanmar), it’s still almost impossible to send a text message, let alone a tweet.
Thailand’s government closely monitors all of its media. During last year’s Thai uprising, Facebook users actually amplified social divisions and stoked enmity across economic classes. As the July elections approach, though, the country’s “red shirt” movement of rural and working poor is trying to dominate old and new media alike, says Supinya Klangnarong, who runs the Campaign for Popular Media Reform in Bangkok.
Meanwhile, Burmese dissidents use Thai Web access to communicate globally and push for democracy – and the Burmese government, of course, knows it. The pro-democracy news website Irrawaddy, run by Burmese in exile in Thailand, has faced increased cyberattacks over the past year, possibly run by a Burmese military unit in coordination with Burmese embassies overseas, says the organization’s editor, Aung Zaw.
Cyberinterference can be effective to a point, as Egypt and Libya have discovered. Egypt leaned on the country’s roughly 30 service providers to effectively shut off the Internet in late January, and in Libya, it’s still difficult to get access. But newspapers, such as the post-uprising publication Libya, founded in rebel stronghold Benghazi, use their satellite connection to communicate outside the country’s main networks. Even some staff members at Quryna, a newspaper once controlled by Col. Moammar Gadhafi, privately used the paper’s satellite to send information to foreign news agencies and post content on Facebook in the uprising’s early days.
In Syria, meanwhile, blogger Shewaro says years of government censorship taught bloggers the tools they use now to circumvent controls – even as Syria sees online activism as a serious threat. “They learned a lesson from (former Egyptian President Hosni) Mubarak,” Shewaro says. “Don’t let the bloggers keep going.”
The ‘Internet in a suitcase’ workaround
The ease with which governments can block the Internet for both broadcasting and organizing has been well known among techies, and workarounds are getting more attention. The Open Technology Initiative (OTI) at the New America Foundation has been developing “mesh networks” that can function for communication and organizing within repressive societies, even without greater Internet access. Their “Internet in a suitcase” is getting $2 million in funding this year from the U.S. State Department.
“It’s not really a suitcase,” confesses Joshua King, staff technologist at OTI. He says the idea of mesh networks has been around since 2000 – at one point, this kind of network powered all digital communications across Athens. “You can provide local services on a network even if an Internet connection isn’t available.”
Meanwhile, it’s not just government controls that can limit the effectiveness of social networks to spread dissent. It’s the social media companies themselves. “We don’t think about the fact that these are privately owned spaces. They’re owned by companies, so our public sphere is in fact private,” says York, of the Electronic Frontier Foundation.
User data is easy for these companies to track – and to share with governments, should the government ask for or require it. In 2005, Yahoo admitted to sharing, at the Chinese government’s request, the user data of at least one person – Shi Tao, who Yahoo denied knowing was a journalist – when he posted antigovernment criticisms; Tao was sentenced to 10 years in jail.
Twitter has said it will hand over user data when “legally required,” but that it will warn users before doing so. Facebook insists it does not share user data with governments, but analysts like York doubt that claim.
Companies’ own internal policies, meanwhile, pose other problems for would-be digital activists. Facebook, for example, requires users to identify themselves with their real names, and any user can report another for an allegedly fake name, making very difficult the pseudonymity that much activism in autocrat regimes requires. YouTube prohibits users from uploading violent images, and in the early days of Libya’s uprising, many videos were removed (the Google-owned site now has a more lenient policy for images coming from Libya).
Where revolution is just a tweet
However useful technology is at linking individuals and getting the word out, observers say Twitter alone won’t generate successful uprisings. “Successful online activism has to have an off-line component,” says York.
If the success of Egypt’s uprising doesn’t thoroughly demonstrate that belief, the failure of Uganda’s might. This spring, hundreds of people took to the streets of Kampala for more than five weeks. Protesting rising food and fuel costs, and led by Kizza Besigye, a physician who lost a presidential bid to Yoweri Museveni in February, protesters thronged to Facebook and Twitter, where incremental news spread under the hashtag #walk2work. But if the movement seemed strong on Twitter, it failed to catch on in the streets.
Grace Natabaalo, a media trainer in Kampala, was glued to her computer, simultaneously following and sharing news on social networks. “I made a lot of noise about it, shared my ideas with people, posted whatever I could get on Facebook,” Natabaalo says. “It was more about spreading information and pushing the debate forward, even if for the practical bit nobody went down onto the streets.”
Mohles Kalule, project manager at the media-monitoring organization Memonet, agrees. “The elite, the journalists on the social media, are just talking to themselves and not to the people,” he says. Those people, he adds, have deep social divisions, and changing them will require a more powerful catalyst than instant communication.
And that suggests something that may be true in other countries, or even in parts of Egypt, Tunisia and Libya. Even in countries with great Internet access for your average Joe, all that tweeting isn’t always relevant.
“It is something there on the Internet, isn’t it?” asks Ismail Mutongole. “For me, I don’t use those things, as I don’t have anyone to connect with on the Internet.”
• Peter Ford in Beijing, Sarah Lynch in Cairo, Max Delaney in Kampala, Uganda, Simon Montlake in Bangkok, Thailand, and a correspondent in Hanoi, Vietnam, contributed to this report.
This article,”S
ocial media as change agent: Did Twitter and Facebook really build a global revolution?” first appeared on CSMonitor.com.
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© 2011 Christian Science Monitor